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Showing posts with label Media. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Media. Show all posts

How the News Media Sees Okinawa

Posted on Tuesday, December 1, 2015 No comments
Originally published in the FCCJ #1, Nov 2015
 No1-2015-11Onaga
Islands in the streaming news
Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga meets the press.

As the face-off between the prefectural and central 
governments continues, the good news 
is that press interest has increased 
and coverage has improved.

by Michael Penn
The confrontation between the leaders of the U.S.-Japan alliance and the prefectural government of Okinawa over the relocation of the U.S. Marine airbase at Futenma and the plan to construct a new airbase at Henoko has many dimensions – political, military, legal, historical, ethnic and economic. These have affected the way that it is covered by the local and global news media.
Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga is clearly aware of the importance of reaching out to the foreign media – as demonstrated by his late-May visit to Washington DC, his September speech at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, and, indeed, by his two press conferences this year at the FCCJ. Onaga understands that shaming the Japanese government before the eyes of the international community is one of the key weapons at his disposal.
But keen awareness of the potential power of the media is also to be found on the other side of the political spectrum as well. Novelist and former NHK board member Naoki Hyakuta declared to admiring conservative lawmakers at a ruling party study meeting in June that the two major newspapers of Okinawa should be “crushed” in response to their support for the anti-base political views. In central Naha even now one can find a handful of activists outside these newspapers’ headquarters making similar calls.

Onaga understands that shaming the 
Japanese government before the eyes of 
the international community is one of the 
key weapons at his disposal.

Ryukyu Shimpo and Okinawa Times dominate the newspaper landscape in Okinawa. With two major newspapers grappling with one another within a relatively isolated prefecture, it might be expected that one of them would naturally trend more to the liberal side and one represent more conservative voices. In fact, however, both papers are deeply committed to their anti-base movement. While there is indeed some portion of the Okinawan population that is pro-base, or at least not very concerned about the U.S. military presence, it would appear that this constituency is not large enough to support a major newspaper.
It should also come as no surprise that among print newspapers in any language, it is only the Ryukyu Shimpo and Okinawa Times that treat Henoko base construction as an issue of deep concern and seriousness. Without a doubt they offer the most regular and detailed accounts of the confrontation, and they are an essential source for anyone closely following developments on the ground.
For every other print media outlet in whatever language, the Futenma relocation drama is a peripheral matter, usually updated only when a major political figure makes a key statement or when an event of special significance takes place.
CONSERVATIVE NATIONAL NEWSPAPERS LIKE the Yomiuri Shimbun and the Sankei Shimbun have never wavered in their commitment to seeing the U.S. Marine airbase be built. For them it is a simple issue of national security and a commitment made to the U.S. allies. In the case of the Yomiuri, one editorial could stand in for a hundred others, as the message is always that base construction is necessary and anyone opposing it is both irresponsible and obstructionist. As they put it on Oct. 14: “The relocation to the Henoko district is the sole, realistic option chosen following many years of discussions among the Japanese and U.S. governments and local governments of Okinawa. Onaga continues taking his noncompliant stance, providing no alternative plans whatsoever.”
The more liberal national dailies 
like the Asahi Shimbun and the Mainichi Shimbun
however, could probably be best 
defined by their wavering. 
For the far-right Japanese media, the answers are also very simple. They insist that the anti-base movement does not represent the views of the majority of the Okinawan people, but rather are led by a handful of mostly Communist political activists from the main islands. They also believe that hidden Chinese agents and their collaborators are secretly guiding the anti-base movement.
The more liberal national dailies like the Asahi Shimbun and the Mainichi Shimbun, however, could probably be best defined by their wavering. They are certainly willing to give some space to anti-base views in their pages, especially in recent months, but they tend to be much more lukewarm than the local Okinawa papers. For example, these national newspapers appear to take more seriously the view that U.S. military bases are needed in the southwestern prefecture as an element of deterrence policy vis-a-vis China.
In contrast, the dominant view within Okinawa itself seems to be that China should be seen more as a trading partner than as an inevitable military threat. Governor Onaga himself made this point at his most recent press conference at the FCCJ – and it is often forgotten that Onaga hails from the more conservative political camp within his prefecture and was formerly a leader of the local chapter of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party.
THE INTERNATIONAL NEWS MEDIA on the whole tends to show a reasonable degree of sympathy toward the Okinawans in their struggle to prevent the construction of the airbase at Henoko, though until recently there has also been a notable lack of interest in truly grasping the details of the situation.
Much of the international coverage of the Okinawa issue seems to be driven not by the unique history of the Ryukyu Islands (which is clearly central to Governor Onaga’s view), but rather to each specific media outlet’s general attitude towards the global military posture of the United States. Those international media that are most alienated from U.S. military actions in Iraq or Syria or Yemen, for example, also tend to paint the most negative pictures of the current situation in Okinawa.
An example of this latter approach can be found at RT, the English-language global news service of Russia. In an early-June report on the Okinawa issue, all of the analysis and commentary came from perspectives strongly critical of the United States. The quotation from Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine described the U.S. approach as “typical of colonial policies.” The one international expert introduced in the piece, the New Zealand-based Tim Beal, stated that U.S. bases in Okinawa really have little or nothing to do with any concern in Washington about the defense of Japan.

There are also those . . . whose views are 
nearly identical to what is expressed 
in the Yomiuri Shimbun, or occasionally 
even further to the political right.

Since the Henoko base issue has been in the headlines off and on for some years now, the quality of the international reporting has clearly been improving. An increasing number of foreign journalists are actually visiting the sites of the confrontation and listening directly to the voices of the Okinawans. Interviews with Okinawa-based officials and analysts are now common in news features, and understanding of the local perspective has deepened considerably compared to five or ten years ago.
Direct experience in Okinawa, however, does not always lead in the direction of increased sympathy for the protesters. There are also those – usually associated with U.S. government policymaking circles or the military – whose views are nearly identical to what is expressed in the Yomiuri Shimbun, or occasionally even further to the political right.
One of the more active media commentators of this kind is Robert D. Eldridge, an author of several books related to Okinawa and for some years an official spokesman for the U.S. Marines.
When Governor Onaga made his visit to Washington DC in late May, Eldridge wrote a piece in the Washington Times to introduce him to American policymakers. Eldridge explained that Onaga had been elected “on an anti-base platform dominated by the organizational might of the Communist Party” and that the Okinawa governor “has been groomed for a long time by Chinese leaders” – echoing the claims of the Japanese far right.
Eldridge is also an outspoken critic of the Ryukyu Shimpo and Okinawa Times, describing them as “biased” in their coverage of the U.S. military and accusing them of consistently “focusing on the negative and sensational.”
Eldridge extends his critique to “the national and international media stationed in Tokyo.” Commenting on Naoki Hyakuta’s declaration that the Okinawan newspapers should be “crushed,” Eldridge observed:
“What was most surprising, however, about the ‘Hyakuta Incident’ was not his comments. Nor was it the strongly negative reaction of the two Okinawan newspapers – issuing a protest statement, partnering with their business allies such as the Asahi Shimbun to condemn Hyakuta in their editorials, and speaking before gatherings of their recent allies in the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan. Rather, it was the slowness of people to realize that the media itself was crudely violating a private citizen’s freedom of speech, all in the name of protecting free speech and a free press.”
LIKE EVERY OTHER CONFLICT in the world, control of the narrative is a crucial element of the struggle for all interested parties.
The Okinawan opponents of the construction of an airbase at Henoko want to tell the story of their people’s unique history: their non-Japanese past, their horrific sacrifice in the Pacific War, their decades spent as a military colony of the United States, and the disproportionate burden of hosting U.S. forces that they carry even today. They insist that their experience teaches them the value of peace, and they don’t believe that the Chinese government has any intention to invade.

Mainstream conservatives sometimes acknowledge 
that Okinawa is disproportionately burdened, 
but for them these grievances must take 
a back seat to the larger alliance priorities.

For mainstream conservatives on both sides of the Pacific, the salient narrative is about the U.S.-Japan alliance – how it protects Japan’s national security, deters potential aggressors, and serves as a necessary hedge against the growing power and aggressiveness of China. Mainstream conservatives sometimes acknowledge that Okinawa is disproportionately burdened, but for them these grievances must take a back seat to the larger alliance priorities. It’s regrettable, but that’s the real world, they assert.
The far right, mostly but not exclusively main-island Japanese, is nearly obsessed with the China threat. They depart from mainstream conservatives by denying that the majority of Okinawans oppose the construction of the Henoko airbase or are suffering significant burdens. They believe that leftist radicals are perpetrating a fraud by sending a handful of professional agitators out to the beach to stage protests, that are then are covered by treasonous journalists. They see the shadowy hand of China everywhere.
Most of the international media picks from among one or more of these three broad narratives in their reporting on the Okinawa issue, although general attitudes toward U.S. power on the global stage also creep in from time to time. 
Michael Penn is president of the Shingetsu News Agency

My Lawsuit vs. the National Diet Press Club

Posted on No comments

 from the #1 Shimbun, September 2015


No1-2015-9DietHajime Shiraishi outside the National Diet Press Club building.

Two years after being denied access to a building 
shared by media organizations, 
a journalist tries to keep her case alive.


by Hajime Shiraishi

THE FOUR-STORY NATIONAL DIET Press Club Building, located in the middle of the Kasumigaseki government district and a stone’s throw from the prime minister’s residence, was built in 1969 with a budget of ¥600 million allocated by the House of Representatives. If rents were to be charged to its occupants, it would very likely see revenues of ¥8 billion per year, but the newspapers and TV stations that belong to the Kokkai Kisha Kurabu, the National Diet Press Club, have had the use of its spacious rooms measuring as large as 100m2 for free over the past 45 years. 
In September 2012, I filed a lawsuit against the national government and the Reporters’ Press Club concerning this building. 
Earlier that year, on July 6, I had hoped to do an internet broadcast of a demonstration to be held in front of the prime minister’s official residence, opposing the restart of the Ohi nuclear reactor. Reporting for OurPlanetTV, I was headed for the rooftop of the Reporters’ Club Building, where I thought I could get a superb birds-eye view of the anti-nuclear power demonstrations. Some two weeks earlier, Tokyo Shimbun had run an impressive full-page photograph shot from the same location. 

While the facility was government-owned, 
the reporters’ club had de facto control over its use, 
and it was dead set against use of the building 
by an interloper. 

I was stopped and refused admission at the building’s entrance. “Today, no media other than National Diet Press Club members can enter,” said the custodian, Toshiyuki Saga. “You don’t qualify.” Though I protested, in the end I was unable to gain access.
I consulted an attorney, who used a variety of measures in attempting to negotiate with the office of the House of Representatives, which owns the building, and the club, but was ultimately unsuccessful. While the office of the House of Representatives made an effort to recognize my right to use the roof, it was the club that held the key to the solution, and they were opposed. While the facility was government-owned, the reporters’ club had de facto control over its use, and it was dead set against use of the building by an interloper. Its authority, it seems, effectively supercedes that of the law concerning government property. 
Arguing that banning my entry to shoot a protest demonstration constituted an intrusion on media freedom, as well as discrimination against internet media, I sued the state and the kisha club in September 2012. 
At a hearing, Mr. Saga, who blocked my entry, and who is himself a former political journalist for Kyodo Tsushin, argued that the club was looking out for its members. “For 120 years, since Meiji times, it was not the practice for anyone to relinquish their own vested interests,” he testified, adding that, “Internet media is in competition with television, and magazines compete with newspapers.” 
We have submitted evidence that we believe demonstrates how the National Diet Press Club engages in discriminatory practices as well as how the building’s operators engage in preferential operations. One thing of interest that has come up during the trial is the ambiguous manner in which the building is run.
On one hand, the government has argued that the roof of the reporters’ building is dangerous, and that is has thereby prohibited all photography from the roof, including by members of the club. Paradoxically, the reporters’ club argues that it controls the roof, which it can use “appropriately.” In other words, the two plaintiffs in my lawsuit are arguing from diametrically opposed positions.

Unfortunately, in March of this year, the Tokyo High Court declined to hear our case. The decision, which disregarded the contradictory positions on utilization of the roof, merely stated that OurPlanetTV had no right to its use. 

The building represents the single most convenient 
channel between the government and the mass media, 
and for political journalists is second to none 
in terms of its proximity to the center of power. 

The court also ruled that while Mr. Saga’s treatment was discriminatory, the National Diet Press Club itself had no “illegal motives.” In other words, since the club stated that it had no “illegal motives,” this made it true – an extremely peculiar decision on the part of the court. 
At the end of May we appealed this decision to the Supreme Court. 
During the period when the Democratic Party of Japan was in power we saw changes in attitudes toward the press. Press conferences by ministers were made more open, and the closed nature of reporters’ clubs underwent considerable liberalization. Yet the National Diet Press Club maintains its dogged refusal to allow access to the roof of its building, with its ideal bird’s-eye perspective. 
The building represents the single most convenient channel between the government and the mass media, and for political journalists is second to none in terms of its proximity to the center of power. 
It is to be hoped that the Supreme Court, one of the three pillars of a government that maintains separation of powers, will understand the significance of the problem and issue a fair judgment regarding Japan’s media. 
Hajime Shiraishi outside the Diet Reporters’ Club
Hajime Shiraishi is the director of OurPlanetTV, a non-profit, alternative news site. www.ourplanet-tv.org

Published in: September 2015

The Real News Network

Posted on Saturday, November 28, 2015 No comments
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Pentagon Must Be Thankful for the Turkey Washington Post Gave Its Readers

Posted on No comments

Boy in rubble, SyriaThe Washington Post illustrates a story contrasting Russian and US bombing of Syria with a slideshow of photos of the results of Russian bombing (or, as in this case, Syrian government bombing)–but no images of the consequences of US bombing. (photo: Alaa Al-Faqir/Reuters)
Here’s something for the US government to be thankful for this Thanksgiving: propagandistic war coverage from the Washington Post.
The Post‘s Karen DeYoung offered the Pentagon this Thanksgiving turkey:
The United States has also claimed that Russia has caused numerous civilian casualties with unguided munitions: gravity bombs dropped from the sky. Warren said that tallies by unnamed human rights groups of “upwards of 1,000 civilian casualties . . . including over 100 kids” are “probably fairly accurate.”
“This is sloppy military work,” Warren said. “This is the reckless and irresponsible, imprecise and frankly uncaring approach to operations in Syria that the Russians have taken on.”
In a report issued late last week, the London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said it had documented 403 civilians, including 166 women and children, killed in Russian airstrikes, more than the 381 fighters from both rebel and terrorist forces it said had been killed.
The US military has acknowledged two instances where airstrikes against the Islamic State resulted in civilian deaths.
So here we have US claims that Russian airstrikes are killing civilians backed up by statistics from a presumably independent human rights group. Meanwhile, when the US government claims to killed almost no civilians in its air attacks, the Post just takes the Pentagon’s word for it.
It would not have been at all difficult for the Post to find independent tallies on how many civilians have been killed by bombs dropped by the US and its allies. For example, the British Guardian (8/3/15) was able to do it:
Airwars, a project by a team of independent journalists, is publishing details of 52 strikes with what it believes are credible reports of at least 459 non-combatant deaths, including those of more than 100 children.
That was in August; more recent tallies by Airwars have the US-led coalition killing at least 680 civilians, and possibly as many as 975.
People who subscribe to the Post are indirectly paying DeYoung to inform them about the world. By reporting the civilians killed by the official enemy while concealing those killed by US airstrikes, she’s instead doing unpaid volunteer work as a Pentagon PR agent. I hope they save her an extra slice of pumpkin pie.

Jim Naureckas is the editor of FAIR.org. Follow him on Twitter@JNaureckas.
Messages can be sent to the Washington Post at letters@washpost.com, or via Twitter@washingtonpost. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective.

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